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  • Qualifying a valid ballot access signature

    In this post you are offered two questions to quickly qualify potential petition signers; plus some simple instructions for the voter, with which to coach them to provide you valid signatures.

    Collecting signatures is hard work.  Do not get distracted by conversation just because a voter has already said yes, they will sign. The other part of the job is to supervise every signature to ensure you are collecting the validatable signatures which will put our candidates on the Georgia ballot.

    Look below for guidance on how best to introduce yourself if you are canvassing door-to-door. Where that script leaves off, these questions pick up. If you have positioned yourself in the flow of traffic, skip the introduction and launch directly into the ask, before a prospective signer walks by you.

    The Qualifying Questions

    1. Would you please sign a petition to put Green Party candidates on the Georgia ballot?

    With this question you have satisfied your oath on the Circulator’s Affidavit that “each signer manually signed his or her own name on this sheet with full knowledge of the contents of such petition“.

    2. In what county are you registered to vote?

    Their response to this question allows you to comply with the ‘one-county-per-page‘ rule, to choose the correct page for the voter to sign.  That is your responsibility as the trained circulator, not their job as the voter.  This question improves our validation rates and satisfies your oath on the Circulator’s Affidavit, “to the best of (your) knowledge and belief” both “that such signers are registered electors of the State of Georgia qualified to sign such petition” and also “that they all reside in the county named in the caption of this affidavit“.

    Supervising the collection of a valid signature

    . . . and, then before you hand over the pen, . . .

    3.(a) They ask that you first sign your name on line #___, then legibly print your name underneath your signature;

      .  .  .  ok, hand them the pen, but continue to watch as they sign, offering course corrections as needed (voters will acknowledge your instructions without them registering or being reflected in their actions)  interjecting as they make progress across the page;  .  .  .

    3.(b) the next box asks for your date of birth; then your residential address where you are registered to vote;

    Again, referencing your oath on the Circulator’s Affidavit, you will be asked to swear “that their respective residences are correctly stated in the petition“.

    3.(c) in the next space, please write: ____________ County; and finally today’s date is: ____________.

    This is a numbers game

    To confidently get us to 5,250 valid signatures, we need to work our way through this entire script with 10,500 voters.  This means, if two of three of those willing to sign are eligible to sign, that we are likely to have asked that second question of 15,750 or more potential signers qualified by the first question as willing to help put Green Party candidates on the Georgia ballot.   If one person in three whom we ask to help are willing to sign, we are looking to for 47,250 people in Georgia of whom to ask that first question.

    Its a numbers game.  The purpose of these qualifying questions is to whittle down those nearly 48k conversations to the 10.5k we need to have to put Green Party candidates on the Georgia ballot.

    Every no we hear to our first qualifying question can be politely answered:

    Thank you for your time.

    Our job is not to argue or convince anyone, but to quickly qualify each person as willing to help, or not; and to help those willing to help to give us the help we need.

    A note about going door-to-door —

    If you are canvassing a crowd on the street, or the foot traffic in a traditional public forum, the key is to qualify prospective signers before they walk by the opportunity to help you are offering them.  The expectations for polite interactions are different when you are canvassing door-to-door.

    When you are door-knocking, the person answering the door expects you to introduce yourself.  This is the formula developed years ago by canvassers and used to train each succeeding generation of political activists in the craft.  Its simple, and only requires four elements:

    (1) I am . . .

    Good evening, my name is: _______________________. 

    (2) We are . . .

    I am a volunteer with the Georgia Green Party and the Hawkins-Walker Presidential campaign.

    (3) We do . . .

    Our party offers a political alternative grounded in our values for peace and non-violence, social justice, grassroots democracy and ecological wisdom.  The Hawkins campaign stands for urgent action on the catastrophic climate crisis, universal access to health care, nuclear disarmament and an end to our nation’s imperial wars of foreign aggression. 

    (4) We want . . .

    Tonight, we are here to ask if you’d sign a petition so that Green Party candidates may appear on the Georgia ballot in the November 3rd election. 

    The fourth element of this formula is used to pose our first qualifying question, and an affirmative answer should lead directly into the conversation as scripted above.

    The goal is to use this formula to hone a message in your own words, one you can deliver sincerely and authentically, perhaps one adapted from the sample message above, which you repeat to every voting age person who answers the door.  Say it all without interruption, pose your (we want) question, then be quiet and listen.  Let the person answering the door indicate where the conversation should go next.

    Political canvassing is a skill all-its-own.  There is much more we can share to help you do this effectively.  When going door-to-door, adapt this formula to our purposes and prefix it to the qualifying questions and instructions explained above and you have 85% of what you need to get the job done.  The rest is common courtesy, experience, common sense.

    Collecting our best practices

    Please call our Party officers or our candidates if you  feel the need for training or have something to share.  If we are going to build this party effectively, we need you to benefit from the best practices we have garnered from our experience and to share your experience to inform our future work on this effort.  None of us have ever done this work under pandemic conditions before.  Your experience can inform how we train the next volunteer.

  • Understanding the history of Georgia’s Ballot Access Barriers

    The rules related to ballot access in Georgia are shifting.  This article is intended to share a bit of background to help readers understand some of the history which brought us to this moment, focusing on the litigation and legislation which have moved this story along.

    On the way to the 2012 Presidential Nominating Convention which named Jill Stein as our nominee (for the first time), and at the urging of our 2008 Presidential nominee Cynthia McKinney, the Georgia Green Party
    became a plaintiff in a lawsuit which finally cracked a logjam which is rooted in the state’s’ Jim Crow history of suppressing and excluding black voters from the process.

    The barriers we face to our participation in Georgia elections were adopted in 1943. The Texas (Smith v Alright, 131 F.2d 593, 321 U.S. 649 (1944)) and Georgia (King v Chapman, 62 F. Supp. 639 (M.D. Ga. 1945), 154 F.2d 460 (5th Cir. 1946), 327 U.S. 800 (1946)) cases used by the Courts to strike down the all-white primaries were already being formulated as part of a litigation strategy to challenge black voters exclusion.  Heading into the war years the black press across the country were agitating on a Double-V-for-Victory campaign, advocating victory over fascism abroad and victory over racism here at home.  It was not until the 1944 Primary before Primus King, president of the Muscogee Branch of the NAACP, would bring suit against Joseph Chapman, then chair of the Muscogee County Democratic Party Executive Committee for denying him an opportunity to participate in their party’s primary.  But it was already well known that such a challenge was coming when the Georgia Assembly,  intent on creating new ways to keep Communists and Republicans (black voters) off of the Georgia ballot, adopted the 5% signature requirement now known as 21-2-170.

    During the 60’s the Republicans, supported by a national apparatus, worked to comply with the requirement and finally qualified under Georgia law as a political party, eligible for state financed primaries.

    In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court handed down a decision in a case now known as Jenness v Fortson (403 U.S. 431 (1973)) (oral arguments before the U.S. Supreme Court). Ben W. Fortson was then the Secretary of State of Georgia. Jenness (a candidate for Governor of Georgia) was one of three candidates (the others for the US House) named by the Socialist Workers Party who had brought this case in 1970. Their suit sought a court finding that the 14th Amendment’s ‘Equal Protection’ clause prohibits the disparate treatment around access to the ballot faced by emerging political parties, known as political bodies under Georgia law, as compared to the corporate parties.

    The U.S. Supreme Court found that it was constitutional to require a showing of a ‘modicum of support’ by a new political party, as a condition for being listed on the ballot. Further, without any evidentiary record, they found that the 5% signature did not “freeze the political status quo”, and that the requirement was not an unconstitutional barrier to ballot access. The SWP candidates had never attempted a petition drive, but had sought a declaration that the challenged statute was unconstitutional on its face.

    The Johnson Administration’s Voting Rights Act and the Poll Tax amendment to the US Constitution made strides against the voter suppression of the Jim Crow era without ever touching the ballot access barriers which had been enacted across the old Confederate South.

    In the 1980’s the Libertarians spent plenty of money to demonstrate that collecting the signatures of 5% of the voters statewide was, even then at half our population, a prohibitive hurdle to overcome. They took a preliminary victory in court to the General Assembly where they used it to leverage the first substantive change since the ballot access barriers were adopted in 1943. The 1986 change was to ‘bifurcate’ the statute (OCGA 21-2-170) preserving the 5% rule for all other offices, but setting a new standard of 1% for candidates seeking statewide office. They also won enactment of a new statute (OCGA 21-2-180 et seq), providing that a political ‘body’ can circulate a unified petition for the signatures of 1% of Georgia voters state-wide, and by doing so run a slate of all candidates for all state-wide offices. Section 180 also created a ballot retention rule used to determine when a political body’s showing at the polls would mean they would be relieved of a requirement to circulate petitions for a subsequent election cycle.

    The case law governing ballot access for U.S. elections continued to evolve in significant ways, just not in Georgia or in the 11th District. Ballot access litigation brought by Georgia parties and candidates in the 90’s was decided to preserve the ballot access barriers we face.

    It took four years for the 2012 case initiated on the state party’s behalf by former Congresswoman McKinney, to reach a final resolution.  First the case had to be dismissed by the trial court, appealed to the 11th Circuit, remanded back to the District Court, undergo nearly a year of discovery (affidavits and depositions) and oral arguments before Judge Richard Story issued his 80 page Order on March 17th, 2016. Even still the state took an appeal back to the 11th, before finally giving up on this case.

    It was St. Patrick’s Day and Cynthia McKinney’s birthday, and a joyous day for the Georgia Greens. Judge Story ruled that the 1% signature barrier was, both on its face, and as applied, an unconstitutional barrier to the right of Georgia voters disposed to vote Green to seeing our candidate for President of the United States on the Georgia ballot. Pending further action by the state Assembly, he ordered as an interim remedy that instead of the 65k+ signatures required under the 1% rule, we would be required to file 7,500 signatures instead.

    The case is published as Georgia Green Party v Kemp (who was still Secretary of State at the time). 171 F.Supp.3d 1340 (2016).

    In 2020 we again brought litigation, this time to challenge the barriers as they manifest under pandemic conditions. The night before the Judge heard oral arguments on our case, the Governor extended his executive order related to the Public Health State of Emergency to run until August 11th, 2020, only three days before our filing deadline.

    Although the covid / ballot access litigation in Georgia was the first of its kind filed nationwide, political parties and candidates in many other states won relief earlier with decisions which gave us hope with their orders allowing online petitions and significant relief in the required signature count. Our pleadings and attorney had argued that Judge Ross should enjoin enforcement altogether, or at least pro-rate the signatures required based on the number of days we had to petition without posing a public health risk. She agreed with us that the public health crisis entitled us to relief, but otherwise ignored our proposed remedy.  She accepted the position of the Secretary or State, that no more than a 30% reduction could be justified under the “state’s interest” in avoiding an “over-crowded ballot” or the inclusion on the ballot of “frivolous candidates”.

    A 30% reduction of a 7,500 signatures threshold to put our Presidential slate on the ballot in 2020 means that this year it will take only 5,250 signatures to meet our goal.


    [[ EDITOR’S NOTE:  this summary represents an incomplete look at this fascinating and complex history.  I hope to return to this article and flesh out what I have learned about these questions, adding links to source material in the weeks and years to come.  ]]

     

  • Georgia Green Party Coordinating Council 2022

    Quick Decision Council (2020/2021)

    J.Kweku Lumumba, co-chair, (2021)

    David Josue, co-chair (2022)

    + Denice Traina, treasurer, (2022)

    Hugh Esco, secretary, (2022)

     

    Additional members of the state committee:

    LeRoy Bartell, (2021)

    Steve Carr  (2021)

    + James Cooper (2022)

    + John Fortuin (2022)

    Connie Johnson (2022)

    Thano Paris (2021)

    + Joshua Pritchett (2021)

    —–other servants of the Party—-

    + signifies members of the Delegation on National Green Party Affairs

  • Nominating Convention of the Georgia Green Party 2020, Schedule of Events


    Thursday, June 25th, 2020
    7:00 pm Convention is called to order by the Convention Conveners
    7:10 pm welcoming remarks by Party Officers
    7:20 pm Credentials committee report, consideration and adoption
    7:30 pm Nominating Convention selects and approves a facilitator and clerk 7:40 pm discuss, amend and approve the proposed Nominating Convention agenda
    7:50 pm hear reading of proposals to amend the platform
    8:10 pm Report on ballot access strategy and litigation
    8:20 pm open nominations for all open seats members of the Coordinating Council (8 two year seats, 2 one year seats) to succeed Denice Traina, Hugh Esco, Jimmy Cooper, Al Herman and Qadija Tatum-Aamir members of the Delegation on National Green Party Affairs (2 two year seats) to succeed Wasiuddin Ahmed and Jimmy Cooper Delegation to the 2020 Quadrennial Presidential Nominating Convention (4 delegates, 4 alternates) Presidential Preference Ballot
    9:00 pm Adjournment

    Friday, June 26th, 2020
    7:00 – 8:30 pm Presidential Candidates Forum
    8:30 pm Fundraiser featuring music by Thistle Pettersen John Fortuin, 2020 Georgia Green Party Nominee for the U.S. Senate Jimmy Cooper, 2020 Georgia Green Party Nominee for the U.S. House of Representatives, 8th Congressional District
    9:30 pm close out for evening

    Saturday, June 27th, 2020
    10:00 am polls open, election by secret ballot tabulated by preference voting review budget for 2020-2021 consideration of platform proposals consideration of non-platform proposals announcements
    12:00 noon recess for lunch
    1:00 pm polls close announcement of vote results consideration of rules suspension to fill vacancies on state committee vacancy election: nominations, conduct of election (as needed) continued consideration of platform proposals as necessary
    3:30 pm close of polls for vacancy election (as needed) announcement of vote results (as needed)
    4:00 pm Adjournment


    Denice Traina, Co Chair
    Kweku Lumumba Co Chair
    Georgia Green Party

  • Georgia Party lends technical assistance to Barnhill Recall Campaign

    On the initiative of Thano Paris, state committee member and a former co-chair of the Georgia Party, members of the Georgia Party leadership sought to engage with and support the #IRunWithAhmaud effort to demand justice for the lynching death of Ahmaud Arberey, murdered in the streets of Brunswick Georgia on February 23rd.

    After consultation with a meeting of the state committee, current state committee members Thano Paris and Hugh Esco, along with former state party chairman Rev. Zack Lyde, of Brunswick Georgia, have been participating in regular conference calls with local organizers in Georgia’s Waycross Judicial Circuit. Green party participants have been providing technical assistance and support to the Recall Barnhill campaign which seeks to give voters of the six-county district an opportunity to remove their district attorney from office.

    Barnhill is one of the three District Attornies (from the Waycross, Brunswick and Atlantic Judicial Circuits) who abused their prosecutorial discretion to deny the family of Mr. Abrbery the equal protection of the law, leaving it to the Georgia Attorney General to assign prosecutors from Northwest Georgia to step in and prosecute the case being braught now against Gregory McMichael, his son Travis McMichael, and William “Roddie” Bryan Jr (who shot the video documenting the crime).

    Early meetings of the coalition organized to perfect and refile the recall application earlier rejected. These meetings also engaged Decatur based election attorney Bryan Sells, particularly on an effort to overturn the district residency requirement restricting who is eligible to circulate a recall petition. The Georgia Recall Act required residency in the district the subject of a recall among recall petitition circulators. Last week, Sells filed litigation to overturn that requirement (motion for temporary restraining order). In a Federal Court Order signed Friday, June 19th, Judge Lee Martin May struck down the provision in a Consent Judgement among the parties.

    While Party officers continue to urge Georgia Greens willing to travel to invest time and energy in Georgia’s Eighth Congressional District to help put our nominee Jimmy Cooper on the Congressional ballot before the August 14th filing deadline, we also encourage those inclined to help with this recall effort in the Waycross Judicial Circuit.  The forty-five day petitioning window opens today, June 22nd, 2020.  A successful petition will require 21,998 valid petitions (30% of those registered and qualified to vote in the last election in 2018).

     

  • Juneteenth Reflection from Georgia Green Party Chairman, J. Kweku Lumumba

    “If there is no struggle, there is no progress.” (Frederick Douglass, 1857)

    On the occasion of the 155th anniversary of Juneteenth, the struggle which is being broadcast before the world today is against ​ police brutality . ​ This brutality, which is looped within 24/7 ratings-driven news cycles, is presented to us as the killing of unarmed people of African descent by police officers. This is not a struggle that we shy away from because not only do we believe that black lives matter, but we understand that the lives of Afrodescendant people have been disregarded for centuries, and that there must be revolutionary changes in American society to rectify this. Piecemeal reforms are insufficient; body cameras have not ended the trend of police killing unarmed civilians. Training certificates are insufficient; the officers who commit these offences routinely pass their peace officer standards and training (POST) and cultural awareness classes. Racism is an American problem that extends beyond any particular police department, and police brutality is broader in scope than the killing of unarmed civilians by police officers.

    Police brutality is a microcosm of the history of brutal policies imposed on black lives globally.  The United States exports this brutality by way of a military industrial complex that has facilitated coups and coup attempts across the African continent (i.e. Libya 2011, Ghana 1966, Congo 1961, et al.), and throughout the Americas (i.e. Venezuela 2019, Honduras 2009, Haiti 1991, Panama 1989, Grenada 1983, Brazil 1964, Cuba 1961, et al.) where black lives are most adversely affected by political and economic instability. The policy of exporting the brutality of war is represented by the hundreds of billions in annual international weapons revenue brought in through the US State Department Foreign Military Sales process, and the rapid expansion of United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) by establishing dozens of US military bases, conducting routine pre-emptive military operations, and stationing thousands of US soldiers across the continent of Africa since 2007. All of this is done at the expense of American tax-payers, whose interests are not represented by these policies of brutality that enrich an ofttimes unelected oligarchy.

    Since the arrival of European invaders and the launch of the transatlantic slave trade, Afrodescendant people have not made progress in this land without the shedding of our blood – that fact is enmeshed within the foundation of the United States of America. This was the case in the 16th century, during the San Miguel de Gualdape Rebellion of 1526. This was the case in the 17th century, during the Gloucester County Conspiracy of 1663. This was the case in the 18th century, during the Stono Rebellion of 1739. This was the case in the 19th century, during the American Civil War. This was the case in the 20th century, during the Civil Rights Movement. And, in addition to many more cases over the past half a millennium, this continues to be the case in the 21st century, during our struggle against the police killings of thousands and the prison enslavement of millions.

    This is why the Green Party platform is imperative for Afrodescendant people in the 21st century, as a means of radically transforming the foundation of this country from one that feasts upon our blood into a foundation that will sustain us. We invite all people of African descent, and all people, to join us in this struggle.

  • Georgia Green Party Coordinating Council 2019-2021

     

    Quick Decision Council (2020/2021)

    J.Kweku Lumumba, co-chair, (2021)

    + Denice Traina, co-chair (2020)

    LeRoy Bartell, treasurer, (2021)

    Hugh Esco, secretary, (2020)

     

    Additional members of the state committee:
    Khalifa Wasiuddin Ahmed (2021), resigned

    Steve Carr  (2021)

    + James Cooper (2020)

    + John Fortuin (2020)

    Al Herman (2020)

    Thano Paris (2021)

    Joshua Pritchett (2021)

    Qadija Tatum-Aamir, (2020)

    —–other servants of the Party—-

    + signifies members of the Delegation on National Green Party Affairs

     

  • Additional Annual 2020 Convention of the Georgia Green Party

    Notice is given of, and Greens from across Georgia are urged to participate in an additional Annual Convention in 2020 for the Georgia Green Party. Pursuant to recent changes to the party convention rules, and a finding by the officers of the party that exigent circumstances exist, this additional convention will use online platforms for the conduct of its business. This convention will meet in four sessions across three days, beginning the evening of Thursday, June 25th, continuing on the evening of Friday, June 26th, concluding with both a morning and an afternoon session scheduled for Saturday, June 27th, 2020.  [  Please ignore an email from the membership development committee which erroneously report the dates of the convention. ]  Full details for participation will be shared with members of the party and others registered for the event. We anticipate opening registration the week of week of June 8th.

    Georgia Greens seeking to convene caucuses for their unorganized counties are urged to communicate their intentions with party officers by writing the state party officers, as soon as possible to schedule an opportunity to conduct their county caucuses hosted by the state party, and to have state-party communication with Greens in Georgia give notice of an opportunity to participate. All such caucuses will be scheduled for week-day evening hours and daylight hours on the weekend.

    The recognized candidates seeking the Party’s nomination for President of the United States have been invited to participate in a virtual candidate forum on Friday night.

    Members of the state committee are agreed to hold this subsequent June 2020 convention to elect members of the state committee and our delegation to the Green National Committee, to name delegates to the 2020 Quadrennial Presidential Nominating Convention of the Green Party of the United States (originally scheduled for Detroit Michigan, which will now be conducted as a virtual convention). This subsequent state convention might also consider changes proposed to the state party bylaws and potentially additional changes to the platforms of the state party and for the national party’s 2022 Platform cycle.

    Our February 22nd Nominating Convention held in Bonaire Georgia has already nominated for the U.S. Congress in Georgia’s 8th Congressional District, Jimmy Cooper and endorsed in the non-partisan special election scheduled for November, John Fortuin for the U.S. Senate. In addition, we have nominated a slate of sixteen candidates for Presidential Elector as a part of the process for qualifying our Presidential slate to be nominated by the national Convention in July.

    Please watch this page for upcoming details on how to register, how to schedule a caucus so Greens in your county can name its delegation to our state convention, how to submit proposed changes to the platform of the party to our Platform Committee and other details on how to participate in this process.

    Thank you,

    Denice Traina, Co-Chair
    Kweku Lumumba, Co-Chair
    LeRoy Bartel, Treasurer
    Hugh Esco, Secretary

  • Oral Arguments in Cowen v Raffensperger

    Building on the 2016 victory in Georgia Green Party vs Kemp, in Federal District Court for Georgia’s Northern District,  candidates this year have challenged the 5% ballot access barrier as it applies to Libertarian Congressional candidates.  The Libertarian Party of Georgia retains ballot access under the OCGA 21-2-180 rule for their candidates for state-wide office.  No Congressional candidate in the history of Georgia’s 5% rule has met the standard and suceeded in obtaining ballot access since its enactment in 1943.

    Today, the 11th Circuit heard oral arguments in the Libertarian Party’s appeal of Judge Leigh Martin May’s denial of plaintiff’s motion for summary judgement, handed down September 23rd, 2019.

    With apologies for the late start of this recording, this audio provides all but the first first or three minutes of today’s hearing on the case.

    Cowan-vs-Raffensberger-oral_arguments-20200522-11th-Circuit-1-17-cv-04660-LMM-19-14065.mp3

  • PrsRls: Georgia Green Party to Hold Virtual State Convention

    Georgia Green Party to Hold Virtual State Convention
    rules adopted to suspend some rules under ‘exigent circumstances’

    Today the officers of the Georgia Green Party have published their determination that exigent circumstances exist, necessitating the suspension of certain rules for the conduct of party business related to the Party’s upcoming Nominating Convention and its local affiliation process.

    “Under the exigent circumstances of pandemic conditions, for some, the price of admission to the Green Party’s state convention was just discounted by the cost of a cross-state round-trip commute. It is now as easy as checking your email and downloading a video conferencing client,” said Kweku Lumumbu, co-chair of the Georgia Green Party.  “Admittedly, for others, the price of participating in this imperative progressive work has grown, unfortunately matching the barriers which already exist for them because of internet inaccessibility or computer illiteracy.”

    A determination (that exigent circumstances exist) now is authorized by newly adopted changes to the Rules of the party’s Nominating Convention, adopted Sunday evening, April 19th, at a called meeting of the state committee of the Georgia Green Party. The meeting considered six proposed changes to the party’s convention rules, adopting four of them. The other two items were discussed and postponed until a subsequent meeting scheduled for April 26th, to account for the notice requirements imposed by the state committee’s process.

    Party officers intend to file and publish the revised rules of the party after next Sunday’s meeting. Most of the changes to these rules were designed to make allowances for certain face-to-face meetings to be conducted using video conference technologies, and for the party’s internal elections and its presidential preference caucus to be conducted on existing internet accessible applications, which have been used for years to elect the steering committee of the Green Party of the United States.

    Besides the rules suspensions authorized under narrowly defined ‘exigent circumstances’, the state Green Party’s state committee also adopted significant changes to its Rules, determining how and by whom its delegation to the Presidential Nominating Convention are instructed.  Formerly, only “credentialed delegates to” a delegated convention were able to cast ballots on the question. The new rule will now require that all “dues paying members of the party in attendance at the Convention of the Georgia Green Party” will get a ballot on the question.

    “We have always depended on our dues paying members to fuel the work,” said Denice Traina, an Augusta based physical therapist who serves as Co-Chair of the Georgia Green Party. “This year, being a member will come with an opportunity to vote directly, rather than through delegates elected by county caucuses, in our party’s Presidential Preference Caucus.”

    Party officers intend this week to lay out a calendar and details for an online convention, culminating the weekend of June 6th, for an additional 2020 nominating convention originally anticipated to take place in Athens Georgia.

    — 30 —

     

    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
    Monday, May 4th, 2020

    For further information, please contact:
    Kweku Lumumba <kweku.lumumba@georgiagreenparty.org>
    Denice Traina email